Basic funding principles
How eviction RTC will be funded is a big question that should be one of the top considerations throughout the process. Without sufficient, sustainable, and permanent government funding, there is a risk of passing a law that can’t be effectively implemented for lack of funding. Determining how much funding is available (and at what point) both helps determine the scope or coverage of the eviction RTC as well as determine how the eviction process is phased in.
Funding must ultimately come from the government.
This helps ensure that the government has a stake in the policy and is committed to making it work. But also, while private funding might be used temporarily to help get a RTC off the ground, it’s not stable enough to sustain eviction RTC long term. Private funders might shift priorities or have different goals/plans, and they can’t be expected to fund the program forever.
Example: In Cleveland, private funding has been used as a temporary bridge because a) the City pushed back on making a major investment right away due to the cost savings mostly going to the County; and b) the shutdown of the main organizing group in Cleveland just prior to the campaign launch made it impossible to apply grassroots pressure for greater City funding. The United Way of Greater Cleveland invested $3 million plus accepted the City’s request for it to oversee the program. However, while the City only invested $300k of its own funds at first, it increased its investment in 2023 to $1 million over 2 years plus added $1 million of money from the American Rescue Plan Act.
The funding source and amount must be identified before a vote on an eviction RTC law is seriously considered.
Funding the program through different sources (e.g. general revenue appropriations vs. housing developer fees) requires different advocacy strategies. Try to identify various sources of funding that could meet the scope of what you want to accomplish. Note that even though the campaign must work with the government to identify the funding, the specific funding mechanism is typically not named in the final ordinance or law establishing eviction RTC (unless a new funding source is created), and may be dealt with in a separate appropriations process.
Providing funding for attorneys is a necessity.
Sometimes policymakers will ask if pro bono (free) attorneys can be used to meet the need so as to avoid the government having to allocate resources. Attorneys should not be expected to work for free, as that can lower the quality of the services provided, and pro bono attorneys often do not have the skills or training to provide effective representation for eviction cases. Also, the number of pro bono attorneys available has never been anywhere close enough to meet the amount of need. However, some eviction RTC programs have some number of pro bono attorneys in the mix who are supervised by a legal services provider.
Funding should supplement, and not supplant, current legal services funding.
An eviction RTC program cannot use the existing funding of a legal services provider, which often comes from a variety of sources and is used for a variety of purposes. To provide representation under an eviction RTC program, providers need specific, additional, sustainable, and permanent funding mechanisms and should not be required to reroute their current funding to provide eviction RTC. They understandably will not want to do so and in any case may not be permitted to do this under grant requirements / existing contract terms.
Funding must be sustainable.
If the initial funding is temporary (such as federal emergency funds or bridge-funding through a philanthropic partner), it’s important to understand where permanent funding will come from after the temporary funding ends.
Example: In Louisville, the RTC was initially funded by Emergency Rental Assistance Program (ERAP) dollars. One year after enactment, and with evidence the program was working, the City Council voted to switch to using general revenue.
Example: In Connecticut, the right to counsel was initially funded with $20 million in federal Fiscal Recovery Funds. Knowing that this was temporary, advocates in Connecticut raised funding from foundations for an evaluation of RTC so as to build evidence and make the case for the legislature that the state needs to allocate its own funds once the federal funds are exhausted.
Even if the funding source is not temporary (like general revenue), the government might not formally commit to any funding beyond the first year. If that’s the case, advocates need to have assurances that the government will continue to fund (and will increase funding as the program grows) beyond the first year. Without that assurance, it is very dangerous to pass the eviction RTC as it can wind up never expanding or losing its funding despite the law technically remaining on the books.
Tapping some funding sources may face opposition.
Some stakeholders may be opposed to a new tax to generate eviction RTC revenue depending on who is expected to pay for it. Some tenant groups may be opposed to increasing the eviction filing fees in order to fund the program for fear that the increased fee will be passed down to tenants in the form of higher rent, while other communities may be okay with such an increase because the risk of increasing an eviction judgment by $80 or $90 can be outweighed by the value of tenants having counsel (especially since counsel can help reduce or eliminate money judgments). And some funding sources may face competition: for instance, there may be calls by different advocacy groups to use certain kinds of housing funds for a variety of different kinds of housing reform.
Be careful what you call the funding source, as your wording may implicate legal or messaging issues.
For example, in Denver, the funding mechanism in the ballot initiative was specifically called a “tax” because the word “fee” may have run into legal issues. However, calling it a “tax” meant advocates had to be careful in how they talked about it in RTC messaging.
Get creative in looking for funding.
Organizers in Multnomah County, Oregon worked with an economist to develop the idea of funding eviction RTC with a .75% capital gains tax. The economist determined the tax would bring in about approximately $15 million per year for the program.
Funding needs are likely to change.
As the RTC scales up, so will the funding needs, both because most RTC programs have a multi-year rollout and because more tenants will hopefully participate in the eviction proceedings (thereby needing counsel) instead of defaulting. Alternatively, eviction RTC might cause eviction filings to go down. A change like the institution of remote hearings could increase eviction RTC program costs due to greater participation or decrease them due to decrease travel costs for attorneys. Or there may be other, unexpected developments that affect the funding needs.
Example: In NYC, when the campaign was launched, Stout estimated the RTC would cost $199 million. However, this turned out to be too low when the housing courts refused to slow down the pace of evictions after eviction protections expired, a nationwide attorney shortage made hiring more difficult, and legal services programs provided new cost-per-case figures. After city-wide implementation, advocates estimated that the full cost of an eviction RTC in NYC was closer to $350 million.
If you’re working at the local level, there may be more than one government to look to.
If you’re trying to get an eviction RTC in a city, then the county government may be in play: in some places the city takes up a significant portion of the county. And counties may be the ones who are paying for certain services (such as homelessness services) as opposed to the city, so they are the ones that may reap the benefits of eviction RTC, making it logical that they commit financially.
Common Funding Sources
General revenue
This is the pool of funds the government uses to pay for all services. It is generated from tax revenue and various fees/fines.
Pros
General revenue is the most common form of funding for RTC jurisdictions, so there is precedent for relying on it.
Landlords will generally prefer using general revenue over another funding mechanism where the cost hits them directly (i.e., registration fees, taxes, or filing fee increases).
Cons
The general revenue appropriations process can be very political and it can be difficult for advocates to intervene in it successfully.
Because general revenue must be determined and appropriated every year, legislators may choose to provide less general revenue than is necessary, and the language in eviction RTC laws can make it difficult to challenge funding shortfalls.
There are a lot of causes and organizations competing for general revenue.
General revenue can go down due to unexpected events. For instance, during COVID, many state and local governments had far less tax revenue due to business shutdowns. And in 2025, Arizona’s elimination of the rental tax led to the City of Phoenix having less revenue available for eviction RTC.
Create a new funding source
This could be a rental registration fee, a new housing developer fee, a new tax, or something entirely different and creative.
Pros
A new revenue source can help avoid the annual appropriations process.
It could be easier to convince policymakers to enact an eviction RTC if they don’t have to figure out how to fit in the budget.
Cons
There might be legal limits on what sorts of new revenue sources a city or county can create.
The new source might not raise as much money as expected, leaving a shortfall that can be very hard to fill.
A new source may face a lot of opposition or create opposition. For instance, after Jersey City created a new fee on residential development to fund eviction RTC, developers immediately sued the City (although the suit was unsuccessful).
If the new funding source increases landlord costs (like a new tax), landlords may attempt to pass those costs on to tenants. However, when tenants lose their evictions (which happens nearly all the time without counsel), landlords already collect filing fees and attorney fees as part of their judgment. Given that the filing fee increase is relatively small compared to the rest of the judgment, some tenant organizers feel it is a small price to pay for providing all tenants with counsel that can prevent those judgments from happening in the first place.
Tap into an existing source of funding
This could be expanding or redirecting an existing tax, or tapping into a source like the state’s abandoned property fund or housing trust fund, or a federal revenue stream like CDBG.
Pros:
It can help avoid the annual appropriations process.
It could be easier to convince policymakers to enact an eviction RTC if they don’t have to figure out how to fit in the general revenue budget.
Because it’s an existing source, it doesn’t create the same legal issues as creating a new funding source.
There may be permanent federal funds available that providers and governments already work with, including the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG), Community Services Block Grant (CSBG), and Emergency Solutions Grants (ESG). Also, check out the Justice in Government Project’s Funding Civil Legal Aid, which contains a lot of useful information on federal funding sources for legal aid.
Cons:
Because these funds already exist, they are already being used for some other purpose, so you will have to convince policymakers to change that use. In Maryland, advocates were able to convince the state to draw funds out of the state’s abandoned property fund primarily because they were not otherwise being used.
If the funds are temporary, they are hard to rely on. For instance, the federal emergency funding sources that developed throughout the pandemic, such as the Emergency Rental Assistance Program (ERAP) and the Fiscal Recovery Fund (FRF), are temporary in nature. However, if the amounts available from a temporary source are large, they may be able to sustain a program for 2-5 years, which could be long enough to create an infrastructure and gather the data to argue for permanent funding. Many jurisdictions tapped federal emergency funds to expand tenant representation, and several, including Connecticut and Louisville, used it to get RTC enacted and initially funded. Louisville was later able to transition to general revenue funding.
It may face opposition from those who don’t want to increase a fee or tax. For example, increasing the Multnomah County capital gains tax was considered a practical approach for funding eviction RTC because the County had the power to adjust the tax rate and because the increase would not be felt by any tenants or by many homeowners. However, while the Multnomah County real estate industry claimed to generally support eviction RTC, they vigorously opposed the tax increase and ran an expensive “no new taxes” campaign against the eviction RTC ballot initiative. The ballot initiative was defeated in 2023 solely because of the funding mechanism.
What funding sources are RTC jurisdictions currently using?
The NCCRC tracks the current funding mechanisms and the amount of funding for all existing eviction RTC ordinances and laws in our Enacted Law Matrix.
TIP
In 2021, we hosted a webinar featuring speakers from five jurisdictions who had successfully obtained federal funding to support tenant representation projects. While the funding sources discussed were pandemic-era funds that are no longer available (like the Emergency Rental Assistance Program (ERAP), Fiscal Recovery Fund (FRF), and CARES Act), the webinar is still helpful in terms of hearing about the advocacy that secured these funds and how they were put to use.